I have moved here. Will be deleting this blog in the next few days.
Telling Tales
I collect tales. I also tell tales. Mostly about you.
Friday, May 11, 2012
Thursday, May 10, 2012
Stories along the Olentangy and Franklinton
Note: Not to brag, but the Professor said that she thought this was a very adventurous and evocative interpretation of the landscape. The student reviewing this interpretation, jumped onto his bicycle and cycled along the Olentangy River with the intention of visiting Franklinton. He got annoyed with the Olentangy trail mid way because he found it very ugly, thought what the hell, and turned right back again. He's from Austin, and therefore, weird in the most awesome way. I hope you have as good a time as I had reading this very landscape with very strange intertwined narratives.
My research deals with studying watershed programs with an
aim to alleviate poverty, and further economic development in rural India and
the Appalachian region in the U.S. Specifically, I am interested in studying
issues of participation, equity in the distribution of benefits, and
sustainability of such programs to improve the health of the environment. For
this assignment, I decided to study the Olentangy River, and the flooding
phenomenon in Franklinton. I zeroed in on Franklinton because it is an
impoverished neighborhood, and plans are underway to stimulate investment in
this area with the participation of the people. I was curious to understand the reasons behind
Franklinton being treated like an unwanted part of Columbus. Previous readings
had shown that Franklinton has a strong Appalachian presence, and is
predominantly occupied by poor whites. Franklinton also has high rates of
poverty, with more than a third of its population living below the poverty line
in 2000, with low socio-economic status (Bratt, 2007).
For this assignment, I walked along the Olentangy River
Trail on 22nd April, starting from Veterinary Sciences Building. It
took me 2 hours to reach downtown, after I which I took the number 10 bus to
Franklinton. I visited Franklinton again on 25th April. This time, I
took the number 3 bus to downtown, and then the number 10 bus again.
Rivers
have always interested me. The banks of the rivers are the foundations of
cities, and are a major reason for the building and breaking of civilizations.
The existence and functioning of cities depends on water. This is one reason
why I chose to study practices of water management. Though I study water
management in rural areas, I am increasingly drawn towards water management in
urban areas. I decided to walk along the river was to understand the drainage
pattern of the river, to view the neighborhoods that have sprung up along the
river, and find out the uses of the river. I had previously read that flooding on
the Olentangy and Scioto Rivers was a common phenomenon, and a floodwall built in
2004, around 10 years back, has now contained the waters.
The river seems to be cleaner near campus, and then progressively gets murkier as one reaches the Kings Avenue Bridge. The flow of the river also reduces, and the river becomes narrower. Walking along the Olentangy Trail, I saw people fishing in the water. The river becomes wider near its confluence with the Scioto, and the water looks cleaner.
The bridges across the river have interesting bits of historical information. Both the bridges make a reference to the 1913 floods, which destroyed many bridges in Columbus.
Confluence of the Olentangy and Scioto |
I decided to venture into Franklinton because it has an
interesting history of being located on a floodplain, which has resulted in its
impoverished status. It is also known as the “The Bottoms” because it is low in
elevation, and it is a name for a place which houses poor people, or is the
poor part of a town/city.
Franklinton is 15 years older than Columbus, and was founded
by Lucas Sullivant in 1797. I walked along West Broad Street, and historical
markers and signs are present throughout the street marking this fact. However,
there were no signs marking the 1913 flood, which killed 90 people in
Franklinton.
The floods along the Scioto and the Olentangy Rivers are one
of the major reasons for the lack of development in this part of the city. The
frequent occurrence of floods created a policy that disallowed insurance to
homes that were inundated.
Veteran's Memorial |
From Downtown, Franklinton is hidden behind COSI and the
Veterans Memorial. COSI was built to spur economic development in Franklinton,
but it does not seem to have accomplished that objective. I was unable to
comprehend that another neighborhood exists just across the river from the busy
downtown district. This was because, I felt, COSI visually obstructs view of
Franklinton, and being surrounded by the tall buildings, it is difficult to
even begin to imagine that there exists a neighborhood, in dire need of
attention. The contrast is startling as one enters Franklinton. I took the
Number 10 bus from downtown, and as it crossed the river, it was as if the
river was marking a boundary in time; between the old and the new. Franklinton,
then, seems as if it has been intentionally left behind, and the various
government buildings coming up are being built to remove any glimpses of
Franklinton from downtown.
A view of downtown from Franklinton |
There are a range of landscapes to observe in Franklinton.
There are historical markers, boarded apartments, abandoned homes, well
maintained churches on one side of the street, and the sprawling Mount Carmel
Hospital on the Southern part of the neighborhood. The landscape looks
deteriorated, and urges one to think whether it has always been as run down, or
whether it has seen happier times. Franklinton is rectangular shape, and is
bounded by natural and manmade barriers from all sides. I walked along West
Broad Street, which runs east to west. Three other streets run west to east,
but most of the traffic is concentrated on West Broad Street, which is easily
accessible from downtown. The first thing that hit me was the sense of
emptiness in Franklinton. On the first day that I was there, I hardly spotted
anyone on the streets. The second day that I was there, I decided to keep
count, and spotted 17 people in all.
Some of Franklinton's claims to fame |
Most of the buildings had graffiti and art on them. It added color to the, otherwise, crumbling landscape. Historical markers proudly proclaim the fact that it is the first settlement in the Scioto Valley. Franklinton has other claims to fame too: it has the oldest active Fire Service in Columbus, and it is a well-maintained building. It is also the only LEED certified fire station in Columbus. While I was there, a school tour seemed to be in progress.
Art on the walls |
The street was otherwise, lined with shops and businesses that had closed down, or relocated elsewhere.
Deserted streets, but for a curious goose |
I tried to get in, but it was boarded |
An abandoned pub/restaurant |
Diamonds are really forever |
I also tried to get in touch with a couple of
organizations in Franklinton; The Franklinton Development Association (FDA),
which is responsible for rehabilitation of houses, and the Franklinton
Historical Society (FHS). I called them up on 24th April, the day
before I was going to visit Franklinton, and hit the voice mail for both. FDA
guided me through a series of automated messages before ending my call. I,
therefore, decided to visit their offices. FDA was on West Broad Street, but,
unfortunately, it was shut. While their website said that they are open through out the week, that did not seem to be the
case. The streets were deserted, and so I could not find someone to ask about
it.
A walk along the street reveals that in a
previous time, shops did make brave attempts to do business. Some of them are
still open, but they still seem to be out of place here. It made me wonder
about whether Franklinton had seen prosperous times in the past.
Some businesses seem to have relocated recently, and have
signs saying that have moved, or the premises are for rent.
The Franklinton Historical Society (FHS) was in
a very interesting neighborhood. The address given was 192 S Princeton Avenue.
The second I entered into this neighborhood, I felt unwelcome, unsafe, and
frightened. I had an eerie feeling, while walking in a neighborhood. Most of
the houses are broken down. The houses were boarded, abandoned, had broken windows, with junk
lying all across the yards. Sometimes loud voices would erupt from some of the
houses, which would be answered by barking dogs, suggesting that not all of the
houses were abandoned. Rusty and unused cars were parked along the street.
There was loud music blasting out of one of the cars, which on closer
inspection was occupied by a couple of people who were watching me. I reached the address, and found no sign of
the FHS. The house was locked.
Some houses taken over by the City of Columbus for Redevelopment |
Though Franklinton on the surface seems to be abandoned, there are signs of an active community. Businesses are open, and cafes had their patrons.
As I headed back towards downtown, the landscape transformed
dramatically. The sense of urgency and busyness is palpable in the air of
downtown. There were people once again on the road, a TV crew was stationed in
front of City Hall, and a group of cyclists had halted for some refreshments.
Franklinton is, once again relegated to a far corner of the mind, to be
forgotten.
Resident’s Perspective- Shoshanah Inwood
Shoshanah has been living in Franklinton since the past
three years. Her husband is the chairperson of the Franklinton Homeowner’s
Association. They moved into Franklinton because of low home prices and the
excitement of living in a neighborhood that was being redeveloped. In addition, there is are strong peer
networks of church groups, the Nazarene group, which encourage people to move
in to Franklinton. She said that religious groups are playing a big role in
motivating the community to come together. However, she reckons that some of
the groups are just about ‘a lot of talk, and no action’.
Franklinton Gardens has been playing a major role in undertaking
community development projects. They are revitalizing the neighborhood by
promoting urban gardens, which also helps to utilize the open spaces in
Franklinton. However, a conflict has been brewing between the Franklinton
Development Association (FDA), and Franklinton Gardens regarding the use of the
open spaces. FDA wanted to use the open spaces for development, while
Franklinton Gardens wanted to use the open spaces for urban gardens.
The Franklinton Board of Trade has initiated a number of
economic development projects such as the Cornerstone Improvement Area to bring
in fresh fruits, and vegetables in to Franklinton. Franklinton does not have a
grocery store, and this has received a lot of support from the community.
Bicycle coops have also come up in the area.
Urban Sprawl, and Go West are some the festivals in
Franklinton that promote urban art. There is also the Creative Arts Community
in Franklinton. One of the graffiti pictures above is on a restaurant, which is
going to be taken over and remade.
I was also curious about the kind of residents who are
responding to these community led programs- that is whether they are old
timers, or people who are just moving into Franklinton. Shoshanah said that it
is a mix of both. Old residents of Franklinton are very keen to see that the
neighborhood is transformed. People who participate in these projects are in
their mid twenties.
There has also been some talk about redeveloping the Cooper
Stadium. It was a baseball stadium previously, and now plans are underway to
develop it into a racing track to spur investment in the area, and create jobs.
The residents are not very happy with the new development because they are not
sure what kind of jobs will be created (whether they will be part time, full
time), and they do not want to live near the racing tracks with the sounds of
the cars.
Another problem is of property owners who operate like
slumlords. They purchase a bunch of houses, which results in land speculation.
It also becomes difficult to track them, as the houses are registered under
different names.
Franklinton also has a lot of old people. Being poor, they
are not able to access healthcare. The Mount Carmel hospital has not done much
for the neighborhood, and is currently being sued by the residents of
Franklinton for not providing timely healthcare. This is a larger issue because
poverty is causing some people to stay or move in to Franklinton, and being poor,
they cannot get health insurance. They are some groups who are organizing to
campaign for social justice, and responsibility on the part of the institutions
that are present in Franklinton.
COSI, which was built to promote economic development in
Franklinton was previously a high school. The high school gave way to COSI, and
this led to school drop out rates shooting up in Franklinton. Most of those students
do not go to school now.
The crime in Franklinton is mostly between people who know
each other. Prostitution is common, and there are gangs of kids. At night
gunshots ring through the neighborhood, but people are unconcerned because
fights are between relatives, and they know that it will not affect them. There
are a lot of teem moms in Franklinton.
Dogs for the Blind, Columbus Buddhist Center, and
organizations for Somali refugees are present in Franklinton.
Tommy’s Diner and Milos are some the places that get in a
lot of customers. (I walked past Tommy’s Diner at 10 am in the morning, and it
was close to full).
Now, Franklinton is being seen as a cool place to live in
according to an article in the Columbus Dispatch. Shoshanah says that it is cool because the danger
levels have gone down now. She also feels that there is a sense of adventure
because of the community rebuilding projects.
I also mentioned previously that I tried to get in touch
with the Franklinton Historical Society (FHS). Shoshanah told me that the
president of the FHS, Carol Stewart, had just passed away on 27th
April, and while I was trying to get in touch with her she had been admitted
into the hospital.
While I was in Franklinton, I also visited Franklinton Gardens,
and the Bicycle coop. Unfortunately, both were shut.
Thursday, April 26, 2012
Stories from the Landscape- Part 1
Last Sunday, I went walking along the Olentangy river trail. I walked for two hours, roughly for around 9 kms. I met a couple of rabbits along the way, and some geese who hissed at me. The river was dirty grey in colour. I saw some people fishing in the river, and I assumed they were doing it for recreation. Later on, I was informed that people use the fish in their river for their consumption. Unfortunately, the river is anything but clean. It looks diseased, and it seems to be totally uncared for. And this is the state of most of the rivers everywhere too.
The Olentagy Trail |
Rivers have always interested me. The banks of the rivers are the foundations of cities, and are a major reason for the building and breaking of civilizations. The existence and functioning of cities depends on water. This is one reason why I chose to study practices of water management. Though I study water management in rural areas, I am increasingly drawn towards water management in urban areas. I decided to walk along the river was to understand the drainage pattern of the river, to view the neighbourhoods that have sprung up along the river, and find out the uses of the river. I'd previously read that flooding was a common phenomenon, and a flood wall built around 10 years back has now contained the wild waters.
I began my trail from here- King Avenue and Olentangy River Road |
The first road way along the Olentangy River |
A steel truss was constructed across the river in 1863, and was the first roadway across the Olentangy River. In 1912 arches were built across the river, which were later to become into a bridge. 1913 saw the most devastating floods in the Olentangy and the Sciota Rivers, which destroyed the false arches built across the river. (At this point, I hadn't any clue that floods were going to become a larger part of what I was studying!) In 1999, The King Avenue bridge was rebuilt, and was the first precast-post-tensioned, field spliced, segmented arch bridge with an integral post-tensioned, high performance concrete deck. Now, I don't know what all that means, but it sure sounds impressive.
First Modern Streamflow Measurement in Ohio 1892-1893 |
This was another first that I came across just a few steps away from the King Avenue Bridge Marker. Engineering students from the Ohio State University, in 1892 and 1893, were the first to make streamflow measurements in Ohio.
Dirtty Water! |
There is an organization called FLOW (Friends of the Lower Olentangy) who undertake river clean up programs to improve the quality of the water. Sadly, the water is still murky and grey.
Stand-up Canoe Paddling |
I can't make out whether he is fishing or just contemplating about life |
I discovered this hidden trail |
The Confluence of the Olentangy and the Sciota |
The Santa Maria |
About the Santa Maria |
Tuesday, April 17, 2012
Proposal Reviewing
I am supposed to be reviewing proposals by Masters and Doctoral students as a reviewer for a panel of graduate students. Despite of the fact that the proposals are all from the hard sciences, I am finding the process deeply rewarding, albeit momentarily punched with instances of sheer boredom. And there are a couple of proposals that are playing the truant. Well, to be truthful, its not really their fault. These proposals are entrenched in big fat genetic engineering jargon, which sees me looking at the proposal with a murderous look in my eye (when I'd rather be playing on Twitter). Because I don't understand what they are proposing in their study, I am unable to provide correct feedback, which is a pity for those students.
I have to submit these proposals by the end of this week. With 6 proposals to review, I'm keeping up a pace of 2 per day. This is great experience for when I will write my own proposal and submit it for a grant. I'm looking at it as a process of learning, but I cannot stop wishing for it to all get magically done.
I have to submit these proposals by the end of this week. With 6 proposals to review, I'm keeping up a pace of 2 per day. This is great experience for when I will write my own proposal and submit it for a grant. I'm looking at it as a process of learning, but I cannot stop wishing for it to all get magically done.
Wednesday, April 11, 2012
People's Place in Development
The role of people in development programs has undergone many transformations since the beginning of the development project. From being viewed as undifferentiated, passive recipients of goods and services in the 1970s, their role, in the 1990s, shifted to that of influencing and controlling development initiatives, decisions, and resources (McGee, 2002 pg. 93, 96). Earlier, people were divorced from the development process, and both, the people in the agency as well as the project beneficiaries were considered as non-existent entities (McGee, 2002 pg. 93). This later on, gave way to a people-centric approach, which has led to varying levels of success. In this paper, I analyze the role of people in development projects, and then explore how people’s role is contingent upon the type of participatory approach used.
Development projects started with a vertical approach between the donors and recipients, or in other words, the North and the South (McGee, 2002 pg. 103). I think that this divide between the developed and the developing nations reinforced the colonial approach of oppression, the only difference being that this approach was masked by aid. Development programs progressed with the idea that the outsiders knew best (McGee, 2002 pg. 94), and operated in a centralized, top-down, rigid and, bureaucratic planning approach. They operated with a fixed framework and agenda, which was shoved down the throats of project beneficiaries whether they liked it or not. Technical and financial aspects of development programs got more precedence than the people. There was also the childlike faith that technology could free the world of all its problems, especially poverty (McGee 2002).
By the 1980s, there was a growing sense of discontentment and dissatisfaction because the development projects were nowhere closer towards achieving any of the envisioned aims. Four concerns that led to a change in development approaches were the alienation of beneficiaries, paternalistic behavior by the developed nation-states, centralized control of planning, and the rise of monetarist economics that made developing countries tighten their restrictions on the social sector. This led to the emergence of the idea of people’s participation in development projects and planning in the 1990s (McGee, 2002 pg. 95). Given the fact that development projects were conceptualized as a means of alleviating poverty, it took nearly 40 years to figure out that people were essential for the success of projects. Concepts of bottom- up approaches, decentralization, power sharing, and partnerships gained acceptance whereas the ‘outsider knows best’ approach was frowned upon (McGee 2002).
However, participation still had ambiguous definitions, and different development practitioners constructed their own meanings of what place people would occupy in development programs. For example, the World Bank emphasized information sharing and consultation, and took on a conservative approach by separating itself from the issue of democratization. The Department for International
Development’s (DFID) objectives were empowerment and efficiency, while the United Nations Development Programs (UNDP) had political leanings, which focused on the role of the civil society and strengthening local governance (McGee 2002 pg. 97, 98). Participation became a nebulous concept and each agency adopted a method of eliciting participation that was compatible with its own goals and objectives. Official agencies relied on developing pre-identified initiatives, and then recruiting stakeholders for their programs by using rapid rural appraisal (RRA), whereas certain NGOs relied on
participatory rural appraisal (PRA) that enabled people to develop their own programs, and plans (McGee, 2002 pg. 99). Thus, two different schools of participation emerged where on one hand, the ‘participation in projects’ orthodoxy designed methods to get people to participate in their projects, and on the other hand, the participatory development school sought to define development as conceived by stakeholders (McGee, 2002 pg. 101).
Additionally, the notion of a community being a homogeneous body with common interests, values, and concerns came to be contested. An appreciation of the splits in communities based on class, caste, gender, and spatial location drove home the fact that power relations play a major role in empowering certain social groups (McGee, 2002 pg. 105). Participation was critiqued on the grounds of further marginalizing weaker groups, preventing them from registering their opinion, and having any substantial influence in the community’s decisions (McGee 2002, pg. 106, Cornwall 2003). In India, watershed development is promoted as a tool to alleviate rural poverty. Here, I had a chance to observe the meetings of a watershed committee. The people who had the most influence in the group were landowners, while the landless and the herders were marginalized and had no role to play in the decisions of the committee. They were expected to contribute as labor for the construction phase of the
watershed program. The NGO, on the other hand, claimed that they had achieved 100% participation from the village community, and the project was termed as a ‘success’.
Cornwall and Brock (2005) paint a picture of how words such as participation, poverty alleviation, and empowerment have become commonplace in the development vocabulary insofar as they have lost all their value. These words promote action, but I think that they are still cloaked with the agenda of funding agencies, or of the influential people in the community. Certain sections of people are still viewed as objects that passively accept what is given to them, resulting in charity and token participation, the total opposite of empowerment. I believe that ignoring the traditionally marginalized
sections is a disservice to the community because it reinforces notions of inequality among them. This is not to discount the entire approach of participation, but just to keep in mind that a new fuse of life in needed to approach the problem of inclusion of the marginalized in the planning and decision making process (Cornwall 2003).
Cornwall (2003) notes that the obstacle to equitable development lies in the power disparities that objectify and subjugate people. Communities have their own notions of equity and fairness, and participatory approaches have to approach these issues with sensitivity. Cornwall (2003) argues that only by changing the rules of interaction in public spaces and by letting the marginalized don influential roles can a transformation in power relations be achieved. This translates into addressing personal
behavior and attitudes of the people (McGee, 2002), but not by imposing the outsider’s assumptions of what is right behavior and perceptions of reality (Goulet and Wilber, 1992 pg. 470). People’s right to define development needs to be secured, rather than forcing people to change just because an outsider thinks that they are old-fashioned. Development, then, does not need an all-encompassing definition, but has to evolve according to people’s priorities, at that point in time.
Works Cited
Cornwall, Andrea (2005). “Whose Voices? Whose Choices? Reflections on gender and
participatory development.” WORLD DEVELOPMENT 31, 8, 2003:1325-42
Cornwall, Andrea and Karen Brock (2003). “What do Buzzwords do for Development
Policy? A Critical Look at ‘Participation’, ‘Empowerment’, and ‘poverty reduction.”
THIRD WORLD QUARTERLY 26, 7, 2005:1043-60
Goulet, Denis & C. Wilber. “Human Dilemma of Development,” in C.Wilber & Jameson,
eds. POLITICAL ECONOMY OF DEVELOPMENT AND UNDERDEVELOPMENT.
1992. Pp. 469-477
McGee, Rosemary. “Participating in development,” in U.Kothari & M.Minogue eds.
DEVELOPMENT THEORY AND PRACTICE: CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES. 2002, pp.
92-116
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